Executive summary

Introduction

The principal objective of this thematic evaluation¹ is to analyse in detail the innovative experiences of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) in Peru, with a view to identifying specific features, conceptual bases and progress vis-à-vis the outcomes and impacts achieved. The innovative experiences examined will essentially be those relating to the new practices generated in Peru by IFAD projects designed and implemented beginning in 1990. The evaluation also hopes to provide useful information for IFAD, project designers and implementers, beneficiaries and the Government of Peru.

The methodology applied focuses on analytic reconstruction and identification of the impact of innovations. Work proceeded along four lines: (i) analysis of available information (evaluations, reports, specific consulting services, monitoring and evaluation reports); (ii) field visits and work in the field, including interviews and direct observation in project areas; (iii) surveys on relevant topics and field visits to similar areas in which IFAD projects are not being implemented; and (iv) periodic presentation, analysis and discussion of drafts with a scientific committee and the learning partnerships [the Core Learning Partnership (CLP) and the Broad Learning Partnership (BLP)]².

Since 1980, IFAD has financed six projects in Peru – five in the highlands (Sierra) region and one in the forest/jungle (Selva) region – for a total of 67.4 million Special Drawing Rights (SDRs)³. In December 2002, a new operation was approved and is currently in the pre-implementation phase. As mentioned earlier, the present study examines projects designed and implemented beginning in 1990,⁴ namely:

1. Promotion of Technology Transfer to Peasant Communities in the Highlands Project (FEAS, 1991), which supported the shift from a supply-based system of technical assistance service delivery to a demand-driven service market system, transferring funds directly to the communities for them to contract services provided by private technicians;

2. Management of Natural Resources in the Southern Highlands Project (MARENASS, 1995), which is deepening the experience of the FEAS project by way of the followingcore features: management of productive natural resources, development of private technical assistance and training services, and a competition-based methodology known as Pacha Mama Raymi;

3. Development of the Puno-Cusco Corridor Project (CORREDOR, 1998), which is building on the advances, experiences and innovations of the two previous projects and also includes: (i) the concept of a socio-economic corridor; (ii) urban-rural linkages; and (iii) microenterprise activities, business opportunities and the development of local markets for goods and services; and

4. Marketing Strengthening and Livelihood Diversification in the Southern Highlands Project (SIERRA SUR), currently in the pre-implementation phase.

IFAD’s operations in Peru are part of a strategy that seeks to expand the capital of the rural poor and their access to services by fostering the development of local service markets and the capacity of beneficiaries to hire such services directly, supporting private and public service providers, promoting linkages between small farmers (campesinos), artisans and microentrepreneurs, urban-rural linkages, decentralization of decision-making and direct participation by beneficiaries in decisions on the use of resources, including financial resources.

Other strategic thrusts include the geographic focus on the southern highlands, strengthening of local democratic organizations, development of human capital and recovery of local knowledge and culture, and consolidation of negotiating capacity between the rural poor and the rest of society.

The innovations effected under IFAD projects⁵ in Peru flow from a process of accumulation of experiences, adjustments, modifications and new definitions within a continuous, coherent line of work. Innovations have been made in approaches and in the strategy, as well as in mechanisms, tools and instruments. A number of contextual factors have influenced – and in some cases favoured – the introduction of innovative elements, such as: (i) the experience gained from projects implemented in the 1980s; (ii) the broad availability in Peru of socio-economic studies on the situation and status of small farmers and the Andean region; (iii) a political and institutional setting characterized by structural adjustment policies and a smaller role of the State; (iv) the existence of internal armed conflict, which made it necessary to minimize the presence of staff in the field; (v) IFAD´s presence in the country, through its office in Lima, and the continuity of the Country Programme Manager (CPM) responsible for Peru since 1985, which made it possible to lend solid support to project operators and ensure continuity and dialogue despite changes in national policies and authorities; and (vi) the existence, in the sphere of IFAD’s projects, of a group of Peruvian and international specialists, researchers and consultants who have shared over time the experience gained.

Areas in which the study observed innovative experiences of interest

Innovative experience by thematic area	Innovative experience by sub-area
1. Strategy, design and implementation. The critical path of innovations	• Strategic development, strategy and project cycle
2. Economic issues	• Demand-driven development • Galvanization of the service market
3. Social and productive issues	• Social inclusion, empowerment • Production, business plans, capital and income
4. Policy and institutional issues	• Rural and regional development • Projects and public investment
5. Legitimation	• Acceptance and adoption by beneficiaries • View of users
6. Project implementation	• Project implementation strategies and capacity for self-innovation
7. Dissemination, replicability and political dialogue	• Replication and consolidation of innovations

IFAD´s projects in Peru are demand-driven projects and focus on the development of local goods and services markets, fostering the transfer of responsibility and decision-making power to organizations. These approaches do not represent an innovation per se: what is innovative is that in Peru they have been applied consistently and coherently; and in doing so, IFAD has generated strategic methodological and instrumental innovations that have made it possible to secure these achievements.

The project cycle

In Peru, the project cycle follows the standard formats and procedures of IFAD, with special attention given to the application of some specific practices, such as:

1. consulting with beneficiaries during formulation as a key element in introducing innovation;

2. basing the project design process on strong interaction among the CPM, consultants and the beneficiaries, coupled with a flexible design formulation methodology; and

3. constant support and monitoring by the CPM, by IFAD and by the regional programmes, which has facilitated the adoption of innovations.

9. Under the MARENASS and CORREDOR projects, special mention can be made of the implementation methodology, the management styles, the use of personnel, and the ability to embrace and take ownership of innovations and to foster dialogue with small farmers and their organizations. A number of innovations were adjusted and enhanced during implementation as a result of suggestions from staff and, especially, from beneficiaries. Project flexibility, the use of open competitions to select the staff of project implementation units, and pilot workshops were some of the elements that have made it possible to obtain such good results.

Features of the projects

In Peru, an attempt has been made to overcome the problems of rural development projects, which – in their traditional bureaucratic form – have come under scrutiny because of their poor results, their high operating costs, their propensity to become permanent departments of one or another government agency, and their tendency to set targets without measuring outcomes or impacts. The projects have also come under scrutiny because of their tendency to determine on their own what purposes, objectives and activities are valid for the beneficiaries. In such cases, beneficiaries’ power to decide on their needs, strategies and priorities was expropriated, and the projects, which lay in the public sphere as they represent a public investment, took decisions on matters that fell clearly under the private sphere.

Through the FEAS project, IFAD began to address this problem in Peru. Although the outcomes were contradictory, the project did successfully build producers’ decision-making and negotiation capacity in terms of hiring and supervising technical assistance services; and, above all, it provided experience and lessons for the design and implementation of MARENASS and CORREDOR. The latter two projects acknowledge the community as a public subject that is responsible for planning, defines priorities, administers public funds and takes charge of supervision, while they view the family as a private subject, that defines the entrepreneurial objectives of technical assistance on the basis of criteria of return.

The study identifies three complementary core thrusts that are both the starting and finishing points of the process: (i) demand-oriented approach; (ii) acknowledgement of the central role of communities and families; and (iii) the strategy of developing local markets for goods and services.

The projects launched in the 1990s assign high priority to families and communities: the projects are tools that support the development thrusts identified by those groups. The strategy has evolved as follows:

• Under FEAS, decision-making power was transferred to the small farmers.

• Under MARENASS, small farmers are incorporating improvements to residential assets.

• CORREDOR is strengthening urban-rural linkages and the economic sphere.

• Under the new SIERRA SUR project, an investment fund is planned that will cofinance initiatives assigned priority by the communities.

This process would never have been possible without the premise of an implicit innovation: give decision-making power to the small farmers, acknowledging that each project defines an institutionalized political space within which the actors possess contractually determined rights and responsibilities.

Development of goods and services markets

Owing to a number of reasons (including some attributable to force majeure), FEAS was based virtually on a single component: technical assistance services. Beginning with this project, and with the advances and improvements of the subsequent projects, there was an implicit acknowledgement that the rural services market, with clear rules, tends to be more efficient than government institutions in allocating and using resources.

To galvanize this market, IFAD devised a strategy that combines actions in three complementary areas: demand, supply and market conditions. In IFAD’s projects in Peru, work has proceeded in a simultaneous and complementary fashion in these three areas, with demand as the main focus of activity.

The strategy pursued by IFAD has been to move away from providing a fixed supply of factors of production, in order to foster the development of local markets based on demand-driven mechanisms. This strategy is closely related to the strategies of empowering and consolidating the organization of the target population and minimizing direct involvement by project staff. Full adoption of this approach has a further and basic implication: it transfers to users and their organizations responsibility for directly managing public funds.

Strengthening and expanding the demand

Demand has been expanded through two avenues: first, by way of a direct incentive to build momentum and break free from the status quo, and second, by way of a group of activities designed to: (i) convert potential demand into real demand and structure potential demand around users’ priorities; (ii) ensure that demand is met by the market; (iii) make sure that users obtain benefits from these transactions; (iv) guarantee that users obtain information on economic options in a timely and low-cost fashion; and (v) make complementary mechanisms available at the individual level in order to boost income and/or assets.

The role of grass-roots organizations and demand

Each successive project has gradually evolved to the point that they now clearly place the family and the community in a central position, drawing on family and community proposals, potential and capacity. This approach calls on the stakeholders themselves to decide which available resources to use and how to use them. Under this concept, the FEAS, MARENASS and CORREDOR projects have focused their intervention strategy on the community and the family. Innovation in this sphere can be divided into two areas: (i) strengthening of organizations and the family in order to manage and follow up on interventions; and (ii) strengthening of organizations and the family to develop market initiatives.

IFAD’s projects in Peru approach Andean communities as decentralized, self-governing units. The underlying hypothesis was that a decentralized system based on local communities could better capture the preferences of the end beneficiaries and had a better likelihood of success in rural development projects. It was felt that strengthening community organizations, in order to devise public, consensus-based solutions, would result in greater social well-being. IFAD’s experience has confirmed that communities continue to play a role in the organization of Andean society and can play a direct role in rural development. The outcomes of the projects show that placing the community and the small farmers and their families at the core of project interventions was the right decision in order to better comprehend the situation of the rural poor in the southern highlands.

The instruments used to strengthen and empower the communities constitute a set of methodological and strategic innovations. In addition to traditional actions such as training, the principal actions have been: (i) definition of project/community relationships (transfer of funds to the communities, relationship with the project based on contracts stipulating mutual responsibilities); and (ii) definition of relationships between families and communities.

The experience gained from the projects has revealed that families relate to their community on the basis of more than one objective and that “specific” economic organizations aimed at implementing business plans are fully compatible with the larger organization. Experience has shown that the community legitimately assumes a role in policy-setting, regulation, guidance and facilitation, while economic interests are left to the families.

The organizations with which IFAD works are legitimate organizations and are socially and legally recognized. The initial actions of the projects have focused on training communities and families so that, with tools such as “talking maps”, they can identify their own needs and define the priorities of those needs. Once the organization reaches a consensus from within on its needs for technical assistance and organizes them by order of priority, it presents its proposal, as a community or interest group, and competes for the allocation of resources. The organization receives coinvestment funds and takes responsibility for administering and delivering the resources to specific users.

The transfer involves:

1. A contract between the project and the users organization, embodying a set of mutual and legal commitments between the project and the organization that are to be respected by both parties. Using a legal instrument creates a sense of commonality and partnership based on rights and responsibilities that is different from the traditional benefactor-beneficiary relationship.

2. A counterpart contribution, which helps to foster self-selection of projects that have higher economic or social returns. Counterpart contributions in cash are a core requirement for transferring funds from the project to the organization. The resources are to be provided by the direct beneficiaries and not by all the members of the community, unless they are all beneficiaries.

3. Opening of accounts. For an organization to receive project funds, it must open an account at a formal financial institution. This condition is of paramount importance inasmuch as it encourages organizations to establish a formal relationship with the financial system.

The transfer of funds and of responsibility for their administration to the communities has proven to be an effective factor in triggering a positive dynamic. The experience gained from FEAS, MARENASS and CORREDOR shows that the mechanisms of social control, accountability to a general assembly, and clear, organized accounts are sufficient to avert potential problems with the diversion of funds. The communities manage coinvestment funds for technical assistance, the hiring of communal promoters, contests, business plans, and organized women´s groups.

Expanding the supply

The strategy seeks to expand the supply by providing more training for local professionals and including new technical assistance providers. The supply of services is expanded by developing local markets. The strategy adopted by the projects has been geared towards consolidating market supply and, subsequently, supporting expansion of that supply. To consolidate this market supply, the “indirect” starting point has been the strengthening of demand, while the supply side has been expanded basically by including non-professional local suppliers.

The main instruments used to expand and improve the competitive supply have been:

1. Training. The training systems are based on experimentation and on sharing knowledge and experience among suppliers at different relative levels of development. In MARENASS, this is achieved through relationships between external technical assistance providers and the yachaqs⁶ and yachachiqs⁷, by means of a cascade training system and learning-by-doing.

2. The farmer-to-farmer system. This methodology has been applied and developed beginning with MARENASS: the yachaqs train groups of yachachiqs, who then teach what they have learned to small farmer families. Successful yachachiqs have a service to offer on the market. Many of the services that these new suppliers can sell were previously disseminated under traditional peer-to-peer cooperation arrangements.

3. Professional service providers. The projects have fostered a competitive climate among service providers. The existence of competitions among users who hire technical assistance services has promoted indirect competition among technical assistance providers, who view these competitions as a system of accreditation and prestige. The inclusion of new segments of technical service providers promotes competitiveness, and – given the opportunity cost involved – this has helped to enhance appreciation for transactions that were not traditionally conducted in the market.

The communities are the key players of the system. The transfer of funds and the delegation of responsibility for selecting and hiring services have been reflected directly in the form of stronger organizations, thus facilitating institutional change in the technical and organizational spheres of small farmers’ communities.

Improving the market

The third area of intervention of IFAD projects in Peru, which has been addressed simultaneously with the previous two described, focuses on improving the conditions in which markets operate. The strategy is based on: (i) reducing the transaction costs associated with participation in the market by suppliers and users; and (ii) boosting the capitalization of users in order to strengthen their initial conditions.

The system of competitions

MARENASS – and subsequently CORREDOR – have used a competitive method for allocating resources on the basis of contests or competitions. These competitions, which are organized at the individual, group and inter-community level, have a number of objectives: introduce results-based competition and competitiveness, foster the adoption and emulation of new practices, mobilize local resources, promote group activities and encourage cohesion. The competitions are organized in various ways: around thematic areas (rehabilitation and construction of terraces, for instance); for individuals or groups; at the community or inter-community level; or for specific groups.

In addition, the competitions help to highlight the benefits of hiring services directly and provide a means for direct evaluation of service quality. They ensure that the benefit derived from contracting technical assistance is evident, palpable and public, and this demonstration effect is reflected in the expansion of demand. Group competitions foster collaboration among peers (the transfer of knowledge and practices), which translates into better results for the community as a whole.

To win a competition (not just for the award but, more importantly, for the prestige), participants invest their own resources and strive to maximize the impact of the technical assistance, thus yielding a greater return on the assistance (as a result of the higher investment and effort by each participant). The competitions are not a contest between poor people to obtain minimal resources but rather are a process that mobilizes small farmers’ resources and makes for better use of services.

Communities manage the competition system directly: they select the juries, settle conflicts, decide on deadlines, award amounts and the respective ceremonies, and administer the resources earmarked for awards. Cash awards represent a small percentage of the effort of the winners and are significantly less than what the small farmers invest. In competitions among families and among communities, families use their own means, competing with their neighbours to see who is able to implement the set of selected practices most efficiently. Organizations compete among themselves to demonstrate which one is the best in terms of managing the full set of resources.

Business plans

The “business plan” methodology was introduced under FEAS and has been fine-tuned under MARENASS and CORREDOR. In the case of CORREDOR, business plans seek to identify initiatives that establish linkages (actual and potential) among the community economy, the family economy and the markets.

The development of business plans based on family or group initiatives is an outgrowth of community planning. The process allows for full incorporation of the small farmers’ community as guarantor of the group of small farmers interested in undertaking a specific activity. The communities are the political subject, which plans, sets priorities and administers the public funds transferred, while the families or interest groups are the private subject, which defines entrepreneurial objectives on the basis of criteria of return.

Goods markets

The main tools used to develop local goods markets have been: (i) coinvestment funding for developing business plans and hiring a very broad range of services; (ii) development of “short-chain” systems that are adapted to the real operating capacity of the small farmers; (iii) strengthening of organizations and interest groups related to the business plans; (iv) tapping of linkages with rural and semi-urban microenterprises; and (v) identification and clear definition of the role of intermediaries so they can be included in the business plan, to the extent possible.

Rural development and territorial relationships

In Peru, it has been essential for IFAD to understand clearly who is the subject of rural development projects. Social research and experience have helped to establish that the small farmers of the Andes are not specialized farmers whose well-being depends on boosting productivity or production of one or two crops or livestock breeds, but rather they are the managers of a very diverse pool of resources, all of them scarce, that they turn to advantage by adapting to social, economic and political changes in their context.

Experience has shown that small farmers, who – under a traditional view – engaged mainly in agricultural activities, are increasingly complementing their revenue with non-farm activities and are establishing ever closer ties with regional economies and cities (intermediate and large). The development of urban markets has a rapid impact on returns for various agricultural products. This produces instability but also generates demand for products and opens new opportunities for non-farm revenue for the labour force. What this means is that the advancement of rural families is closely linked to regional development.

In such a setting, overcoming the conditions of rural poverty is not simply a matter of agricultural development or infrastructure; instead, it is a matter of promoting a social sector (i.e., the family) rather than a productive sector, with the respective plans and strategies. Accordingly, CORREDOR has focused directly on the issue of urban-rural and territorial linkages, adopting a strategy that takes into account the vision and expectations of small farmers and communities in the knowledge that the city-countryside relationship, within the urban subsystems of the Sierra, constitutes an extremely complex “relational fabric” that cannot be reduced to the linkage of a few production chains.

Experience gained under CORREDOR shows that small farmers and community members feel, in order of importance, that small and medium-sized cities: (i) offer them the possibility of training and of steering their children toward urban labour markets without this necessarily meaning that they have to leave the region; (ii) offer them the opportunity to market products of medium-to-low quality and in small amounts⁸; and (iii) represent non-farm labour markets that provide revenue to strengthen their economy without traumatic separation from family life.

Building on the concepts of economic corridors and small farmers’ business plans, IFAD’s projects have changed the predominant approaches in efforts to combat extreme rural poverty. The core objective of improving marketing has been replaced by the new purpose of strengthening markets. CORREDOR seeks to enhance the competitiveness of small cities – provincial or district capitals – with the objective of improving the entire urban-regional subsystem and the development of goods and services markets.

Conclusions

The outcomes of IFAD’s strategy in Peru and of the innovations implemented under the various projects have been presented in different evaluation reports and analytical or synoptical studies. The present thematic evaluation has drawn on that information and complemented it with field visits, detailed analyses and a field survey; these data have helped to confirm that the innovations have been successful and that the process, far from being over, is in full swing. In this connection, it will be of special interest to observe the outcomes obtained under the CORREDOR and the new SIERRA SUR projects.

Communities and Families

The renewed appreciation of the value and the strengthening of families and organizations (especially of the community) have had a very positive impact in terms of modifying the expectations of community members: the possibility to make decisions, to guide the development process according to family and community strategies, and to do this with support from adequate resources have helped to build capacity and tap potential while changing their vision for the future.

The evaluations show that, as a result of strengthening, communities now are more able to influence planning for their future as well as the management of funds and the progress of development processes. Among the impacts identified by the interim evaluation of MARENASS, for example, mention can be made of the capacity to negotiate with other social sectors and the ability to manage their own productive natural resources and to plan, regulate and set policy. The strategy of transferring decision-making power and authority over resources to the communities and families has also had a positive impact by increasing their revenue and assets and has helped to strengthen the legitimacy of communities responsible for the planning and administration of collective resources.

Perhaps the most significant direct impact of the transfer of decision-making capacity, the acknowledgement of the legitimacy of the organizations and respect for their decisions, and the application of clear rules and peer-to-peer contracts has been the strengthening of the concepts of person and citizen, with the consequent affirmation of their rights and abilities. Communities and small farmers have re-assessed their identity and are today active economic protagonists who exercise their rights as citizens.

Services and the Market

A set of private activities has been set in motion that produces a volume of services higher than what could have been attained if the project had produced them directly. The active private capacity of the small farmers has been increased vis-à-vis the relationships they establish with technical service providers. Non-financial service markets have been galvanized, strengthening the demand for private technical assistance. It has been shown that it is possible to develop local markets for non-financial technical services in poor rural areas and that, through the transfer of competitive incentives and decision-making power to the low-income population, it is possible to ensure that such demand is effective. The vision of the rural economy has been broadened through proposals that strengthen the productive economic leadership capacity of small cities. A vision has been adopted that extends beyond the confines of the agricultural sphere and strengthens territorial spaces.

Broader supply of and responsibility for resource administration are two elements that underpin an innovative aspect of very special interest: technical assistance services can be subdivided and segmented. Since users are spending their own resources as well as coinvestment funding, they tend to optimize and make more efficient use of resources earmarked for contracting. Accordingly, they hire specialists only for the time strictly necessary, they take advantage of the broader supply to negotiate the cost of services, and they combine the hiring of specialists with yachaqs and yachachiqs.

The farmer-to-farmer system is showing signs of having begun to evolve as part of an institutional mechanism of the communities themselves. In conclusion:

• There is demand for non-financial technical services that can be met on local markets.

• Users are aware of or can identify their demand for such services.

• Users are willing to invest funds or additional resources (effort).

• The competitive systems for allocating resources are useful in promoting local investment.Organizations play an important role as intermediaries between the project and beneficiaries.

The role of the projects

The projects function as a public facilitator of private relationships and operate through small implementation units that focus on stimulating processes and creating a normative framework designed to ensure respect of contracts.

Legitimation/validation

The innovations proposed by IFAD projects find their ultimate legitimation and validation in the degree of acceptance and “ownership” by beneficiaries. People (families and communities) and their strategies, aspirations and expectations now occupy a central place. This is perceived and appreciated by the small farmers and communities as a valuable element that allows them to make the best possible use of project resources with a solid outlook for sustainability.

The projects’ recognition of the State, of communities and of small farmers as interlocutors and not simply beneficiaries is significantly changing the vision of community members. The communities and labour organizations of small farmers are increasingly and emphatically proposing IFAD approaches and arrangements to institutions and to other projects. “WE are MARENASS” is a phrase that was spoken with conviction and heard several times during the MARENASS interim evaluation mission and clearly expresses the impact achieved.

Communities consider the IFAD proposal to be an important contribution because it allows them to interact with goods and services markets and because control of the process lies entirely in the hands of the small farmers and their organizations, which are the ones that select, hire, supervise and make payments.

Users understand and appreciate the CORREDOR project and identify with it because it favours market insertion through a strategy built around the family economy. Most of the current business plans are structured directly around the economies of the participating families: the “organized group” serves to hire services such as technical assistance and to share the learning process, but it is up to each family to decide what to produce and sell, as well as the very decision to undertake such activities as a group. This is precisely what allows for “understanding” between the project and users.

The greatest indicator of acceptance and internalization of the proposals, and of their possible sustainability, comes from the unsuspected investment capacity of small farmers that has become apparent under the MARENASS and CORREDOR projects.

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1/This thematic evaluation is based on the reports prepared by Carolina Trivelli, Augusto Cavassa, Ricardo Vergara, Pierre de Zutter, Darío Pulgar and César Sotomayor, and on the results of the field surveys undertaken by the Innovation for Development Association (Innov@cción). The respective documents are included in the annexes to this main report. The main report has been prepared by Pietro Simoni, coordinator of the thematic evaluation. The evaluation has been led by Paolo Silveri, Evaluation Officer of IFAD’s Office of Evaluation. Ada Ocampo, Coordinator of the Programme for Strengthening the Regional Capacity for Evaluation of Rural Poverty Alleviation Projects in Latin America and the Caribbean (PREVAL) and Roberto Haudry, IFAD’s Country Programme Manager for Peru have collaborated during various stages of this evaluation.

2/ The Core Learning Partnership and the Broad Learning Partnership (CLP and BLP respectively) are two key features of the IFAD evaluation methodology (as defined in the “New Evaluation Processes”, 1999/2000).

3/ The SDR is an accounting unit used by the International Monetary Fund in its transactions, currently equivalent to approximately USD 1.35.

4/ See Appendix I for further information on the features of these projects.

5/ Essentially, these approaches are based on the findings and advances of social and socio-economic research and/or experiences generated and applied on a small scale or partially by research centres, NGOs or other rural development actors present in the literature: as used in this thematic evaluation, the term “innovations” refers to the use of these approaches in the implementation of medium-scale rural development projects as a core, strategic part of the project proposal.

6/ Technicians, small farmers and professionals who teach a specific technique for the production and conservation of productive natural resources, and who train the yachachiqs and community leaders.

7/ Members appointed by the community to learn techniques from yachaqs and internships and then pass that training on to campesino families.

8/ Consideration should also be given here to the supply of productive inputs and services generated publicly and privately.