"The
inclusion of women and other poor
does not come as a matter of course.
Changing age-old traditions is a matter of struggle
to change gendered or caste-based norms of behavior…"
--Rural Poverty Report, p. 202
THEME:
Including women in community organizations is a long-term process
that needs to overcome a large number of constraints.
The
IFAD Rural Poverty Report 2001 discusses
devolution of development activities and the associated establishment
and strengthening of local institutional structures. But it recognizes
that even community-level organizational structures may not be equitable.
These can exclude the less powerful, such as the poorest households, low-status
minorities and women. In many ways, the situation of women illustrates
the access problems faced by all these disadvantaged groups.
Integration of rural women into community organizations
is particularly problematic when membership brings with it access to valued
benefits or confers status within the community. This is usually the case.
There are several commonly occurring reasons why women are often excluded
or poorly represented. These are not reasons given only by men, but
also by the women themselves.
- Low social status of women that has established the traditional
pattern for public leadership and decision-making. This, in turn,
influences any new organizational forms. For instance, traditional male
domination of the Gram Sabha (village council) in Indian villages establishes
expectations for the newer Panchayat or for Watershed Development Committees.
Some projects have noticed that once women acquire higher social status,
they are more accepted as members of community organizations. But there
is usually a time gap.
- Cultural barriers and taboos that in one way or another eliminate
women. For instance, the belief that women should not, or cannot,
do maintenance work on irrigation canals and therefore cannot fulfil
Water User Association (WUA) membership requirements will eliminate
women from membership. In other traditional situations, it unimaginable
for a woman to sit down with unrelated men in a public place and discuss
community issues. Where women's mobility outside the home is culturally
restricted, it also imposes constraints on their participation.
- Women's workload, which prevents their attendance at meetings or
incurs opportunity costs in terms of income-generating activities.
For instance, the IFAD report quotes a woman saying that if she spends
two to three hours at a meeting, she could be making 200-300 beedis
(cigarettes) in that time. Several IFAD studies have noted women as
saying that they simply "do not have time" to go to meetings.
- The timing of meetings, if arranged to suit men. When a meeting
is time may mean that women cannot attend it. For instance, under the
Ambewelar irrigation system in the hills of Sri Lanka, WUA meetings
are held at night to accommodate men's work schedules, but it is not
considered appropriate for women to go out at night.
- Women's lower educational achievements, which are often reflected
in a lack of reading, writing and numeracy skills. Among the Miao
in China, and many indigenous communities in Peru and elsewhere, women
not only have lower levels of literacy but also do not speak the official
language as well as the men do. This is one reason men represent the
household in public matters and organizations.
- Women's lack of experience in dealing with public matters, outsiders
and formal organizations. For instance, among the Chorti in Guatemala,
women are traditionally expected to avoid public life. Social, political
and religious leadership has therefore rested with men. An IFAD project
in the area founded 421 communal committees, but had to make considerable
efforts to integrate women. Eventually women did account for 30% of
members.
Where pressure is applied for community organizations
to include women members, this can sometimes improve effectiveness and
better attention to women's concerns. A case in point occurred in
Meghalaya, where the formerly male-dominated village assembly eventually
admitted women after continuous pressure from IFAD. As a result, women's
concerns regarding collecting fuel wood and fodder for their animals were
included in the forest management programme. Albeit, such approaches to
including women do not always have short-term benefits, as evidenced by
the experience with the Panchayats in Madhya Pradesh, India. Here, the
reservation of 33% of posts for women's membership, and the reservation
of certain Panchayats presidencies for women has nevertheless tended to
result in women performing a purely ceremonial function. Several women
leaders were essentially 'fronts' for their husbands or village leaders,
who made all the decisions.
In some places, the out-migration of men is also resulting
in a more active public role for women in village organizations. Among
the Tamang in Rayale, Nepal, there is a high rate of men's migration to
Kathmandu and Indian cities, both seasonal and for longer periods of time.
As a result, women are taking over agricultural decision-making, including
on crops to be grown on the family land. Women's community activities
have also increased, especially in families where there are no young sons
to represent the household in the father's absence.
Given the number of factors operating against women's
integration into community organizations, it is not surprising that development
programmes are encountering difficulties. Quotas for women's membership
are not always effective in the short term. But their longer-term impact
may be more positive.
Adapted from:
IFAD. 2001. Rural Poverty Report
2001: The Challenge of Ending Rural Poverty. Oxford University Press.
February.
Additional sources:
Vettivel, Surendra Kumar. 1997. India: Madhya Pradesh Tribal
Development Project - Participatory Development Framework, Community Institution
Building, Indigenous Social Structure, Women's Participation, Role of
NGOs. Rome; IFAD, June.
IFAD, MAGA Government of the Netherlands. 1998. PROZACHI: The Story of
a Development Project among Peasants in Zacapa and Chiquimula. Rome.
