Theme: Women’s labour contributes to family food access in a variety of ways

An IFAD study undertaken in 1998 reviewed the impact of the Fund’s activities in Guatemala on household food security (HFS) and the status of women. Among other things, it looked at the roles played by women in providing access to food for their families. This was defined in terms of:

The study found that:

Traditional crops. Rural households in these remote areas tend to rely heavily on their own produce. Corn is the main staple in the diet. Except in the project communities of San Martin and Buena Vista, where the high altitude precluded it, almost all households were found to grow corn, even when conditions were harsh and production unrewarding. Women contribute marginally to corn production, primarily during harvesting. But, where there is no access to a mill, they can spend more than two hours a day on corn-grinding and making tortillas.

Non-traditional crops. In those households that were growing non-traditional cash crops such as broccoli and cauliflower, women were allocating twice the amount of time to on-farm labour than were women in other households. These crops were introduced under the project in the mountainside communities of Chocal, Torlon and Chichalum. Their labour-intensive nature has resulted in a reallocation of household labour. The study noted that such households derived over 70% of their total income from these crops. Significant improvement in household income resulted. Therefore, to the extent that such income improves household food security, women are important contributors. However, men handle the marketing of the crops, and control the resulting income.

Livestock. Animals also provide a source both of food and of income to buy food. This is the reason animal purchase has been assisted by both IFAD projects, with loans going mainly for the purchase of chickens, pigs and sheep. Ninety percent of women in all households studied reported that they spent at least some time tending to livestock. Women tended to manage the poultry and pigs, and, if these could be sold locally, to control most of the income. Where sheep were raised, as in the communities of Buena Vista and San Martin, women could spend more than 200 days a year on animal husbandry. Women rarely market such livestock except in one community, San Martin, which is close to roads and markets. Sheep are viewed as jointly owned, but women report good access to resulting revenue.

Handicrafts. IFAD projects in Guatemala have also provided credit for the establishment or expansion of women’s income-generating activities such as the making of straw mats, rope bags and baskets. Women contribute quite a lot of time to this off-farm production, varying between 99 and 170 days a year in the communities surveyed. The degree of involvement differs between areas: in some communities, only 25% of women are involved, whereas in others, fully 99% dedicate time to handicrafts. The study found that in all except one community, women retained control over a large proportion of the income from selling handicrafts at local markets. But the earnings from handicrafts were very small, even in the case of women who managed to send their handicrafts to a project store in the capital. The reason is the limited demand, with resulting low prices and slow sales. Impact of such earnings on household food security is therefore also not significant.

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Women’s labour contributes both to producing family food and providing income for the purchase of food. But the income that women control tends to be relatively small. Overall, the study found a weak but positive relationship between women’s income and family food access. The researchers believed that the reason for the weakness lay in the fact that women’s income (that is, the income they controlled) was not sufficiently high for it to trickle down to improving food security for the family.