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  International Fund for Agricultural Development
 

Nowhere is the linkage between the environment and poverty more pronounced than in the fragile ecosystems where inhabitants are often compelled to degrade their natural resources and struggle for survival. IFAD’s drive to break this vicious cycle has often led to the development of innovative, replicable models.

A striking example is the Livestock and Pasture Development Project in the Eastern Region in Morocco. It has introduced efficient natural-resource management systems such as rotation and land-resting schemes, reseeding of native herbaceous species and planting of fodder shrubs to increase production and incomes while improving rangeland. Self-organized range users’ associations were formed by the pastoralists, water points constructed, livestock support services strengthened and training and credit for herders provided. Every project beneficiary became a member of one of the range users’ associations, made up of homogeneous groups that collectively manage a common pasture land.

The newly introduced by-laws of the associations have ensured that those herders with smaller herds have equal rights in decision-making and common management of rangeland. Arriving at full consensus on project activities with members of the associations before implementation has guaranteed more equitable access to resources, sustainable maintainance of the newly developed facilities, and full adoption of a non-destructive carrying capacity and management strategy.

 

The Kingdom of Morocco lies at the north-western tip of Africa with an area of 447 000 km2. It has a population of 29.6 million (1999), growing at an annual rate of 2.4%. Although it imports most of its oil needs (unlike other Maghreb States), the country has easily accessible phosphate reserves and important agricultural and fishing resources. Morocco also has a relatively diversified manufacturing sector.

The climate is arid, with an average rainfall of 210 mm per year – somewhat higher in the north (300 mm) and lower in the south (120 mm) – that falls in autumn and spring with high annual variability. Winters are cool and summers hot, with a mean monthly maximum temperature of 40?C. Siroccos are frequent and violent, giving rise to sandstorms originating in the Sahara.

Soils are loam and loamy clay, shallow and poor in organic matter, with low permeability in the north and eroded in the transitional Saharan zones of the south. They tend to cap, thereby reducing water infiltration and increasing run-off and evaporation. Water resources are limited. Run-off is harvested for livestock use into dayas (natural ponds) and rdirs (earth dikes) across the oueds (watercourses), and for human use into jboubs (underground cisterns). Underground water is available only in two communes (Bouarfa and Tendrara) from a few shallow acquifers (50 m deep) with low yields. The use of deep acquifers is not well known and should be explored.

Livestock and Pasture Development Project in the Eastern Region

Project Data and Rationale

Started in May 1991 and closed in December 2001, with a total estimated cost of USD 45 million, the project was funded by IFAD (USD 14 million), the African Development Bank (AfDB)/African Development Fund (AfDF) (USD 25 million), and the Government of Morocco (USD 6 million). Project objectives were to benefit 62 000 beneficiaries in the eastern region of Morocco, near the border with Algeria, by improving: (i) the status of pastures through reversing the process of degradation; (ii) the productivity of livestock activities; and (iii) the income and living standards of the local population.

The project sought to offer a solution to the common-access problem of the semi-arid rangelands of the eastern region. When access cannot be limited through price mechanisms, or exclusion can be enforced only at prohibitive cost, natural resources tend to be overexploited. The project supported the creation and strengthening of cooperatives of local nomadic herders, based on kinship ties, to manage natural resources by regulating access to pastures. Other project components included: veterinary services, construction of pumps and tanks for water, planting of drought-resistant varieties, improvement of livestock traits, and training activities for women.

Project Area

The project area, which covers 3.2 million ha in the communes of Bouarfa and Tendrara (Province of Figuig) and El Ateuf, Merija, Aïn Benin Mathar and Ouled Sidi Abdelhakim (Province of Oujda), is the most important pastoral region in eastern Morocco. The population is estimated at about 77 000, with an average household size of 6.4 and a total of 12 000 families, 62% of them rural. The area is characterized by a lack of employment opportunities, a low education rate (less than 40% attendance in primary schools), underuse of health facilities (large distances separate the facilities from most of the pastoralists), and the absence of an adequate drinking-water supply. Scarse wood resources, occasional bottles of gas, and charcoal are the only available sources of energy.

Objectives

Drought risk is high in the area, translating into high vulnerability for many producers. As a result, degradation of resources is high. This was evident in the late 1970s-80s, as many small and medium livestock herders lost herds and migrated to cities such as Oujda. The objective of the project was to reduce this vulnerability. One way was to improve the rangelands, and their use and management, thus halting land degradation. Degraded land is often more susceptible to drought. Farmers in Tendrara had been forced to use much of their income and revenues to buy feed for the animals as a result of drought. One farmer stated that he had had to sell almost half of his herd of about 200 to keep the other half alive. Thus one objective of the project was to reduce vulnerability and protect the resource base. As the income level of farmers stabilizes due to decreased risk and diversified activities, production of herds and rangelands expands and animal health and management improve. Income-generating activities were to be introduced for women, mainly in poultry and crafts.

The project emphasized the organization of people brought together to manage the land, which thus became a common resource, with individuals interested in protecting that resource. Partnership was fundamental in this participatory approach to organizing people into cooperatives. The cooperatives were based on tribal lineage, because rangelands and resources follow lineage in the project area. In order to manage resources, partners are required that can control areas. This is done by bringing individuals from different tribes into the cooperatives, thus forming consensual groups with control of specific areas. This could be considered one of the most innovative aspects of the project. Individuals in their personal capacities had had control of small blocks of areas; over time they had lost control of the land. The powerful herders had managed to set up a series of cisterns for their large herds and the area was thus encircled for use solely by the powerful.

Introduction of the cooperatives gave one man one vote, giving small farmers a say in the use of land, breaking the monopoly of the big livestock owners, and creating a new dynamic. The cooperatives have established enclosures (mise en repos) and also have trucks to transport feed. There is a small price to pay for these facilities: the message to small herders is that use of the land is not free. This money is invested in the cooperative and then provides a dividend. The main aim is to have a fund that can be distributed for the benefit of cooperative members. Through empowerment, the people can create their own mise en repos and manage and improve resources for the benefit of future generations. For this dynamic to succeed, it has to reconcile people with resources. The basis for sustainability is the interests of the people as a group.

Main Problems

Notwithstanding its achievements, the project encountered a number of problems. First, the objective of sustainable development of pastures was not fully attained. Drought is certainly not the only explanation: intra- and intertribal conflicts, difficulty in imposing sanctions on intruders, and weak regulation of livestock pressure played a major role. As a result, livestock concentration increased. Second, in spite of the achievements in terms of veterinary care and water provision, no effective cost-sharing schemes between the project and beneficiaries was devised. Third, the credit component was never implemented due to herders’ indebtedness and the absence of an agreement on risk insurance with Caisse National de Crédit Agricole. Fourth, insufficient attention was devoted to non-agricultural income-generating activities and income diversification.

Impact

The Evaluation Office (OE) of IFAD defines impact as “changes in the lives of the rural poor, as they and their partners perceive them at the time of the evaluation, to which IFAD’s supported intervention has contributed.…” (IFAD – OE “Towards an Impact Evaluation Methodology. A Guiding Framework and Key Questions for Project Evaluation”, Rome 2002; p.6). Field interviews and the analysis of secondary data documented the following impact:

Knowledge domain

Beneficiaries had acquired better knowledge of appropriate feed supplements, fattening practices and animal health care. Moreover, they realized that collective action, structured through herders’ cooperatives, was a necessary step in combating the depletion of natural resources.

Livestock ownership and gross livestock margins

Data available from the monitoring and evaluation service of the Direction Provinciale de l’Agriculture (DPA) of Figuig showed a clear difference between the two periods from 1992 to 1996 (pre-drought) and from 1997 to 2001 (dry years). The former was characterized by a uniform increase in livestock ownership and gross margins. During the second period, large herders were able to preserve or increase stocks and gross margins, but medium and small herders experienced a pronounced reduction. Drought and state subsidies explain such trends. During dry years, to keep cattle stocks constant, herders increase the use of supplementary feed. Feed subsidies discourage the reduction of livestock pressure on less abundant pastures. In addition, subsidies generate inequitable results: while large herders have more available cash to purchase feed, medium and small herders reduce stocks and may fall below the economic viability threshold. This phenomenon was not generated directly by the project, but the latter did not include full safety-net measures or access to alternative income sources for small herders.

Environmental impact

Where cooperatives were able to enforce the seasonal enclosure system, field tests showed that pastures had experienced higher yields even during dry years. But the project was less effective in the control of livestock density which increased from one head of ovine livestock per 5 ha in 1991 to one head per 3 ha in 2000 (SCET – Etude PDPEO 2001). This was due to: (i) complicated definitions of access rights to pastures; (ii) distortions generated by subsidies; and (iii) difficulty in enforcing limitations on accessing communal lands under rehabilitation.

Support to beneficiary institutions

The project design had the merit of acknowledging that environmental protection called for an intervention in institutions. It built upon the available ‘social capital’ (lineages and kinship networks) and endowed traditional organizations with a modern legal framework. With project facilitation, cooperatives were able to decide autonomously on opening and closing periods of pastures for grazing. But major areas of institutional weakness were identified: (i) cooperatives had difficulty in guaranteeing the representation of small herders; (ii) 41% of cooperatives faced severe financial viability problems due to lack of diversification of revenues and burgeoning administrative costs; and (iii) cooperatives were not always effective in enforcing the regulation of access to pastures.

Project Benefits and Future Opportunities According to Local People

Waiting time and distance travelled for gathering water were reduced. Now people wait from 1-2 hours in comparison with the earlier half a day or even a day. Distance was reduced by the building of 60 water points and the building or refurbishing of 100 cisterns. Distance to cisterns was halved (from approximately 40 km to 15-18 km). A qualitative impact was that people have been brought together and their participation and organization have opened up the possibility of new social dynamics. The rest areas can also be considered as a qualitative impact of the project, allowing more species of plants and shrubs to regenerate. When herders use the rest areas for grazing over an agreed period of 2-4 months, they reduce the amount of supplementary feed purchased. This is a qualitative impact in the sense that when range management is geared to a high level of activity and there are many rest areas, vulnerability is greatly reduced. Small livestock herders benefit because they move from one rest area to another. Another impact of the project is the income generated by women through cooperatives.

Fattening centres were not fully successful but had potential. Some of them did not function well due to a lack of technical support. The centres will help add value to animal products and decrease pressure on rangelands. One centre in Aïn Beni Mathar had a capacity of 800 sheep over a period of three months. Capacity per year would be 2 400 head. If conducted efficiently, the fattening process could be completed in three months.

The animation activity by women members of the cooperative requires strengthening. Use of video should be a complement to the physical presence of an animator; introduction of radio networking could also be an important element. Midsized livestock herders pointed out that, if it weren’t for the project, many more of them would have been destitute. Drought was severe and combined with the cold weather had worse effects. The project attained its purpose of reducing the vulnerability of a good number of people in the area. Young people could be better organized for different activities. In the second phase of the project, it is important to identify, with them, how they are able to contribute. Shrub plantation is a high-investment task, but many were eager to be involved in this activity. Another possibility would be roles in marketing, where they could link up with income-generating activities. In this area, training would be required.

MOUHOUB AÎCHA, degree in Economics, 34 years old, President of the cooperative Nour in the northern part of the country

Mouhoub Aîcha spoke about crafts equipment provided by the project. In the first phase, the project benefited producers greatly, the second phase should give more to women. Goat production should be the focus in the ground phase; rabbit breeding was also suggested, as women can’t go out to work on other activities for cultural reasons. There is a marketing problem; many are making carpets, but they need market access. She felt that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) could help them do a better job.

All members of the cooperative are women from 35 to 55 years old. The cooperative was formed in January 2000. Aîcha attended Mohamed I Oujda University and did a segment on the environment when working on her Master’s degree. Her father is an agriculture expert and she learned about the project from him while at university. She decided to form a cooperative to participate. The DPA organized a field mission to Ouarzazate and she asked to accompany it. Between Agadir and Ouarzazate she saw how the population was living. She also saw a few NGOs working. She was affected by what she saw: there were no schools, no water; the Government had not reached the population. She became interested in women’s issues, particularly in women who lived in remote areas and in pregnant women. She realized that with a little help the people can do much. A group of women near Agadir was being helped by the NGO Catholic Relief Services (CRS). The group produced carpets, and the NGO marketed and commercialized this product. The carpets were exported to Canada. Aîcha was convinced that she could achieve the same in the eastern region. She wanted to help people in her dour (small towns of approximately 50 families). She prepared for three years and bought books to learn the legal aspects of setting up cooperatives. She prepared her mother and sister to accept her idea, which helped convince her father, without whose permission she could not travel. However, her problem had been more with her mother. She travelled to Fes from Oujda and studied the carpet markets. She knew a woman who specialized in Iranian carpets. This woman was prepared to come to Oujda to observe the potential members of the cooperative and study how they would work – and she was prepared to market the carpets. The ‘group of 30’ wrote to the Office du Developpement de la Cooperation (ODECO), which is government run, but ODECO rejected their request for help in forming a cooperative. When Aîcha returned and learned that ODECO had refused, she realized that their application presented no proper argumentation as to the justification for forming a cooperative. She went to DPA to seek assistance in the form of materials for carpet weaving; DPA agreed and she went back to ODECO. This exercise took from 1999-2001, but ODECO finally agreed.

The first global assembly took place on 13 July 2000. The cooperative obtained legal status, and the 30 women contributed 200 Moroccan dirham each. Aîcha, as president, gave 1 000 dirham. Some of the women sold their jewellery to get the 200 dirham. Three women were too poor to contribute, so Aîcha lent them the money for their quota. Seven married in the course of time and left the dour and the group, moving to Aïn Bin Mathar; thus the membership now stands at 23. The main project is carpet weaving, but the cooperative also prepared a programme of rabbit and goat breeding so that family members could generate income. Every family has a small area in which animals can graze. Why goats? “Sheep will disappear if there is nothing to eat, while dara’a-variety goats can survive on little in the irrigated areas and will eat growing vegetables. Goats also produce milk; 2-3 litres of milk at a time is turned into yoghurt and jameed” (a form of cheese), says Aîcha.

The group began work in 2001; they worked in houses, because they had no communal place. Then, when the family of one of the members left for Europe, they found space to work. To support Aîcha’s travel on behalf of the cooperative, the members provide 50% and she pays the other 50% herself. The cooperative received weaving looms from DPA and asked clients to provide wool and other fibres to be woven. They also received three sewing machines and one knitting machine. Before, no one met, now there is a feeling of community, of bonding. They are working on a literacy programme, but accommodation is still a problem. Each member weaves two carpets per month and asks her own clients for material. The carpets, measuring 2 m x 0.90 m, are sold for 150 dirham; the women receive 120 dirham and 30 goes to the cooperative. Aîcha went to Rabat to study the market there, but since 11 September 2001 the market for carpets has declined. She is now relying on the Moroccans living and working abroad to take these carpets. As she knows how to type, she is writing for others who have kin abroad and thus knows many people. (During this interview she met Lahcen Ouhbi, Chief of Production Services of Animals and Food Cooperatives of the Ministry of Agriculture, who put her in contact with an NGO for assistance.)

DAOUDI TAYEB, president of the cooperative Saáda á Aïn Bin Mathar, of which there are 43 members

Mise en défens

Tayeb has worked to improve the livestock with the help of the National Association of Sheep and Goats (Association Nationale Ovine et Caprine, ANOC). The project brought in new techniques for improving the rangelands management. Tayeb had not had a chance to study livestock rearing in the faculty of science. However the project facilitated this learning. As a result, the quality of livestock has improved. The first project result was improvement in the breed, thus raising the quality of the meat. There has also been general improvement in livestock health, veterinary care, food/fodder and genetics. Before the project, a female sheep sold for 100 dirham (USD 10) and now sells for 1 000 dirham (USD 100). Prices differ according to the period. Tayeb has over 500 sheep now, which is not a particularly large herd. He is married, with 16 children; three of his daughters have attended school. He is interested in improving the techniques of sheep breeding and is against the overuse of land. He sells 400 male lambs per year and retains 400 female lambs; his breeding herd at any given time includes 50 rams, with the rest being breeding ewes.

NOULI AHMED

Ahmed’s case shows a different dimension of poverty in the area – vulnerability and instability of income for small herders. He lost all of his livestock to drought and could not keep even part of his small herd of 50 sheep alive, given the cost of feed. He sold them progressively to be able to feed the others. Now he has none. He works as a day labourer. Married to Fatima, he has eight children and is understandably worried about the future. He would like a small loan in order to start over.

ABDULLAH BENALI, president of the cooperative Ouled Mouloud (in the south)

According to Benali, women are invisible, although they work a lot. Women are not given importance. The important role they do have is in the health of nomadic women during pregnancy and delivery, which is a major concern, as they are far from hospitals. He urged that the project find a solution through increased mobile medical health care. According to him, in the DPA of Bouarfa, there are only two women health workers for approximately 20 000 people dispersed in the south, mostly in tents, so that only 30-100 are reached. Abdullah said that he started a project for women to make and sell tents (chaima), thereby earning income for themselves and their families. While the cooperative was encouraging women to become involved in making these tents, the materials committed in an earlier agreement had not yet been received.

Profiles of Project Beneficiaries

AHMED BOUAICHA

Had it not been for remittances from overseas, Bouaicha would have lost his herd totally. The enormous drop in the price of sheep since 1995 contributed to his problems. The project sought to put a stop to migration and nomadic herding life, as well as to the emigration of youth. Ahmed was one of the first to use the ‘fattening centre’ and to practice supplementary feeding and proper grazing. Benefits: awareness of proper animal husbandry.

MOHAMED M’HAMEDI

While he continued to work four of his 14 ha of land, M’Hamedi took a job as a butcher. With this experience in meat marketing, he was encouraged to join the cooperative. Benefits:
- better water management
- a building for the cooperative
- veterinary services and plantation of atriplex

MOHAMED DAROUICH

After various experiences and even trying to emigrate, Darouich became a nomadic herder. In early 2001, he and his family decided that they no longer liked this life. He is of the opinion that mettre en défens has contributed to the improvement of pastures. However, there should be rotation of the pastures. The atriplex should be used between March and May. Benefits: veterinary care, feed, improved production. Problems: water, administration. There has been no impact regarding improvement in women’s participation or credit facilities for feed.

Project Staff

MOHAMED SEBGUI, Chef de Service Production Agricole, DPA Oujda

 

 

 

Women’s activities:

SOUAD SLIMANI, cooperative organizer, DPA
RAHMA BADAM, technician, DPA
BOUDINA ZHOUR, regional director, J.S.
BOUZIDI ABDEL AZIZ, director of the centre

Built in 1997, the centre is supported by the Ministries of Youth and Agriculture under the project. There are women animators. Before 1995, the principal source of income for women was livestock production, but later the project helped with diversification into craft activities. Training is a major component in craft activities, particularly carpet weaving. The activities are primarily for sedentary rather than nomadic women; most live here in the Tendrara area. Stoves were improved to reduce fuel-wood consumption, and solar energy is being tapped. Other activities are related to health and family planning, including awareness-building through visits to nomadic women. Training in food preparation is also provided, and the women are operating a kindergarten. They are able to request microcredit loans. The women who come to be trained are not necessarily wives of livestock herders. The centre invites women through the communal/local authorities. The kindergarten charges 25 dirham per month for children from outside the cooperative, while members pay a nominal fee. Three hundred women are trained year-round.

Decisions are made by the Global Assembly and officers of the cooperative – the president and nine or ten others. Water holes: prior to the project, the wells were not functioning. The project started managing the old wells before digging new ones. In the beginning, the cost of equipment for construction and maintenance was underestimated, so the cost had to increase, affecting the budget. Participants also had to manage the superficial lakes. These water holes in the rivers had not been managed previously. There are 75 water points including wells for forages (deep wells). Water tanks in cement were built under the soil as reservoirs. Before the project, the average distance between water points was 33 km, but, with the new ones, it has now been reduced to 18 km. Problems were encountered in management and projections of water usage, so associations were created to manage the water points.

These associations were financed and are being maintened by cooperative members. Many water points were built, so engine maintenance was shared among the cooperatives. Before the project, each farmer had to bring fuel to operate the engines; now the cooperatives take care of this. Water management has impacted people’s lives by reducing the distance between water points and tents; fuel costs have also been reduced as a result. Members contribute towards the fuel to run the engines. Overall maintenance is carried out by the project and the Government. There are differences between a cooperative and an association – it is more complicated to create a cooperative, as no tax is imposed. Although an association is easier to create, it is subject to taxes.


Glossary

Atriplex – = saltbush (a plant, used as fodder)
Chaima – tent
Daya – natural pond
Dour – small town of approximately 50 families
Forage – deep well
Jboub – underground cistern
Mettre en défens / Mise en défens / en repos= resting of land from grazing, in order to allow for natural regeneration of the vegetation
Oued – watercourse
Rdir – earth dike

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